
AN APPEAL 



Tu THK 



STATE KKJHTS PAKTY 



OF 



SOUTH CAEOLINA: 



IN 



SEVERAL LETTERS 



ON THE 



l'l{ESE}tl.e,0N;DlTr()XdF TUDLIC AFFAIRS, 



( OLL M BiA, S. C: 

IKINTK!) vT THK OFFICE OF THE SOL-THERV /i . tM>r v V 

ISoS. 



n/ .-r 



AN APPEAL 



TO TUE 



STATE RiailTS PARTY 



OF 



SOUTH CAROLINA 



IX 



SEVJBRAL LETTERS 

ON THE 



PRETEXT COSDITIOX OF PUBLIC AFFAIKS, 



. !*•.; 



COLUMBIA, S. C: 

PRINTED AT THE OFFICE OF THE SOUTHERN GUARDIAN. 

185S. 



^v^'^ 
V 



Duke Uaiversity 
AUG 1 9 1936 



CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

Preface, ....... v 

Letter of Col. Andrew P. Cai.houn, . . . . 1 

Letter of Gov. Adams to the CoMMn-TEE of Arrangements 

AT Edgefield, 3 

Letter of Gov. Adams to the Committee of Arrangements 

AT Cheraw, *. 7 

Letter of Gejl Martin, 11 

Letter of Mr. Tradewell, 13 > 

Letter of Odi.. Allen J. Green, 24 

Letter of Caft. XT. M. Eobert, 27 

Letter of Gol. Gregg, 29 



PREFACE. 



From the time of the great contest against the tariff until the death of 
Mr. Calhoun, the State Rights party of South Carolina preserved an inde- 
pendent position in Federal polities. Commonly, it acted in alliance with the 
Democratic party, because that party professed, after a fashion, State Rights 
principles, and pursued a general course of policy less objectionable than that 
of tile chief opposing party. But the bad faith and corruption which pre- 
vailed Iq a large portion of the Ujiuocritic party, and were tolerated by the 
rest for the sake of keeping in power, always prevented the alliance from 
resultiiifj in u consolidation. AiState Rights party, formed in some other 
Southern States, acted ijiore Or less in concert with the^^arty in South 
Carolina, but hud a greater" toniliiucy to become consolidated with the 
Democratic party,-,.. The Stite Rfghts party in Soutt Carolina, to preserve' '. 
its principles; was "obliged lo remain separate and distinct. ' This solitary 
position, or to eqajploy a term much used of late for prejudice, as of some 
dreadful import,,. Ihis isolation, was no doubt a disadvantage greatly 
to be regretted. • But it arose from lirm adherence to the right, and 
was not to be remedied b^.gon? promising the principles upon which the party 
was founded. That othf^rs,' having the same interest, exposed to the same 
wrongs, ancj professing the same principles, should consult a shortsighted ex- 
pediency, and'pnrchase the unc£irtai a protection of a corrupt party, bv sub- 
mitting tp its authori^y, was no good reason .\yhy we, to avoid beinT left 
alone, should commit the same error.-' 'Mr. Calhoun followed no such w;4jak 
policy. Knowing thatthe Democratic party was not to be trusted, he took 
good care nevwr. to' give it any authority over him by calling himself a 
Democrat, 

In the latter years of Mr. Calhoun's life, some politicians in South Caro- 
lina became restive under the restraint which his upright and lofty policy 



VI 

imposed upon the lower order of ambition. The machinery of the Demo- 
cratic party would have offered a wide field of occupation for busy men of 
ordinary capacity to make themselves of importance. The love of change, 
and the blind disposition to follow the example of the majority elsewhere, 
conspired to increase this feeling of restiveness. But so long as Mr. Cal- 
houn lived, nothing could be done to impair the fixed confidence which the 
people of South Carolina reposed in him, or to induce them to depart from 
his State Rights policy. It was not until some years after his death, that 
the Innovators could make much progress. The State Rights party still 
remained independent, and refused to become merged in the organization of 
the Democratic psrty. But on the approach of the last Presidential elec- 
tion, when things appeared to grow somewhat more ripe for change, a small 
number of politicians undertook to send to the Democratic Convention at 
Cincinnati, a Delegation which should assume to represent in that body the 
State Rights party of South Carolina, not indeed under that distinct name, 
but as merged in and forming a portion of the Democratic party. Meagre 
meetings in less than half of the Election Districts of the State, held under 
calls which excluded that part of the State Rights party opposed to amalga- 
mation with the Democracy, appointed Delegates. These Delegates went 
to Cincinnati, and instead of avowing, as truth required; that they in fact 
represented but a small number of politicians, and that their appomtment 
had no sanction from the great body of the State Rights party of South 
Carolina, assumed authoritatively to cast the vote of South Carolina in the 
nominating Convention. The whole affair is a striking illusiration of the 
wisdom of Mr. Calhoun's opposition to the existing system of nominating 
Conventions, as tending by the most unfair means to-* put all political power 
into the hands of a small number of busy and unscrupulous managers. 

It now became evident that to preserve the old State Bights' faith in 
South Carolina, it would be necessary, before the next Presidential election, to 
oppose and defeat the further movements of the National Democrats. An 
opportunity for commencing offered itself last winter in the .election of a 
Senator. The State Rights, party in ; 'the Legislature- elected General 
Hammond, I do not mean ■lo.;say:-.thafc no jSTational Democrats voted for 
him, or that no State Rights •n:>€irfbe,rs voted against him j but the fact was 
notorious that his election was effected by a rally of the State Rights party, 
and was opposed by the great body of the other party, .wto zealously sup- 
ported a regular National Democrat. He had been for many years in re- 
tirement, and having declined a nomination in peremptory terms, was elect- 



ed free from any express pledges. But he was known by his latest public 
acts, and by iuteicoursc, of no remote date, with friends, as a thorough 
State Rights man ; and if any change in his views had already taken place, 
it was not known to the party, who, in electing him, gave him so signal a 
mark of confidence. 

The speech which General Hanimond soon afterwards made in the 
Senate, did not disappoint the expectations of his State Rights friends, but 
on the contrary, confirmed them in the belief, that, in him, they had a 
leader whom they might follow with pride and confidence. But when, 
after a few more months spent in the atmosphere of Washington, he came 
home and delivered his speech at Beech Island, a very different feeling en- 
sued. The State Rights party were astounded. Something like despair 
was caused by so heavy a blow coming from such a quarter. The National 
Democrats, and the lovers, open or secret, of the Union, were delighted and 
triumphant. 

Entertaining a very strong confidence in General Hammond, and in the 
identity of his political principles with our own, some of his warmest State 
Rights friends still clung to the hope that he had not fully expressed him- 
self, and might yet, when fully understood, be found true to his old princi. 
pies. We could not discover the evidence of that increased strength and 
greater Union in the South^ which he told us he saw ; and we could no- 
comprehend the policy whjch he rcoominendcd. But we imagined that 
high and expanded views -presented themselves tq his Statesman-like, 
mind, which, when G/bfliprehesqded by lis, might convince us of their wisdom. 
And these ideas Were not finally dispelled, until the publication, a few 
weeks after the Bocch'T'iiland speech, of his letter to the Committee of Art 
rangeraents fcrr the ^innergiven to Mr. Orr, at Craytonville. In that letter 
General tiammond applied terms of high and unqualified commendation to 
the political- conduct of 3Ip. Oit. Mr. Orr is the leader of the National 
Democratic, party in South Carolina, and the most pernicious enemy of our 
old State Bights faith, and of our Starte Constitution. The Craytonville 
letter at once gave a. key to the Beech lalatid speech. We had been vaaly 
gazing at the hcig-hts where Calhouij.Vfas' accustomed to soar, instead of 
lowering our. €yes W the level of Orr,>; . ;/.- • 

The dissatisfuetioo, not loud but de^'p, with which the Beech Island 
speech was received by the State Riglits party, was not to be mistaken. It 
was quickly given 6ut, through the newspaper press, by authority, that tho 
Report of the speech wag incorrect, and that General Hammond would take 



VI u 

an early opportunity to set himself right. While opposition was thus depre- 
cated, the condemned Ileport was left uncorrected for three months. At 
length, in the speech at Barnwell Court House, lately published, the Sena- 
tor has given an exposition of his views in his own language, deliberately 
committed to writing, and carefully guarded. And verily the latter end is 
worse than the beginning. The declaration made at Beech Ishxnd, of his 
belief that the South will submit to the election of one Black Republican 
President, and perhaps of a second, is not repeated at Barnwell Court 
House; but it is not explained, withdrawn, or disclaimed; it is suppressed 
in suspicious silence. A skilful and imposing argument is made to per- 
suade the South into the belief that while reduced in the Confederacy to a 
permanent and continually diminishing minority, threatened by the com- 
bined powers of fanaticism and avarice in the dominant section, there is still, 
through ''moral victories" or some inexplicable good fortune, a way for 
the minority to govern the Union. We are assured that the South never 
was so strong or so successful before, and as one proof of this, we are refer- 
red to our great victory over the Protective system ; and the Senator gravely 
declares that he has '* no hesitation iu saying that the Plantation States 
should discard any Government that made a Protective Tariif its policy;" 
and that ''they should not submit to pay tribute for the support of any other 
industrial system than their own." The Senator must presume largely on 
the apathy and forgetful ness of a people who have so long submitted to a 
• Protective Tariff, differing only in degree, not in-, principle, from the " Bill 
•of Abominations" of 1828, and from the " Bkck Tariff^ of 1842; and who 
still continue, and have never ceased, to " pay tribute for the support of 
another industrial system than their own." What ifien is the Senator's 
meaning, when he talks of "discarding" such a governmeot? ' Nor are his 
assertions more satisfactory, that the South is now better united against the 
Protective system than formerly, or more ready to repel interference with 
her slave property. In the Missouri controversy the spirit of .the South was 
at least as high as in the late one about Kansas; and the same Southern 
States that would now vote, against Protective -Tariffs, we.re qOite as much 
united on the subject thirty years ago; yirginia probably ihore so. 

The Speech, while abounding '-in phrases concerniDg the power and the 
spirit of the South, more complacent than suits the condition of communi- 
ties which " submit to pay tribute for the support of another industrial sys- 
tem than their own ;" and while full of professions of readiness to resort to 
decisive measures of resistance upon contingencies indefinite enough to 



IX 

cause no uneasiness to our enemies ; is admirably well adapted to extinguish 
all real spirit of iadcpondcncc, aud to render the people of the South as 
submissive to the power of the Union as the North need desire. And such 
is the well-founded impression which it has already produced in ihe North- 
ern States. General Hammond would now find himself a popular man in 
New York, or rhilaJelphia, or Cincinnati, in spite of the still recent remin- 
iscences of the "mud-sills " of Northern society. 

General Hammond scarcely names the Democratic party in the Speech. 
And ho earnestly counsels union among Southern men. His language is 
so lofty and imposing that one does not at once suspect the real tendency of 
his advice. But the union which be counsels is evidently union with the 
Democratic party. And his speech might be less hurtful to the State 
Rights party, if his counsel was given more openly. He professes that he 
can see no sound distinction between a National Democrat and a State Rights 
man, or as with a common inaccuracy of language he calls it, a State Rights 
Democrat. He may not be able to see now; but in former times, before 
that change took place in his feelings towards the Federal Union, which he 
now avows, he could very easily have seen the difference between himself 
and one who wore the Democratic uniform. The Speech does not say a 
word on the question of going into the next Democratic Convention. Au 
editorial declaration that GenerarHaTumond, having always been opposed to 
such conventions, has .seea nothing- io. change his opinions on the subject, 
accompanied the puWicatio.n pf the Speech. How far General Hammond 
may hold himself bound by this declaration, or how soon he may change his' 
opinion, as hehas.fecenlly dojne on the subjects of disunion and of a supply 
of slaves from AMlsaf it is not necessary to enquire. To profess disappro- 
bation of Deioo.QTatic Conventions, while avoiding a discussion of the ques- 
tion as prematute, and doing all in his power to paralyze opposition to 
" his excellcot ^cncl, 3Jr. Speaker Orr," is indeed to look toward the State 
Rights coast, Ifut ta ro'yr in the opposite direction. 

The unexpected clianges and disastrous course of General Hammond, 
impose on the members o^ the State Rights, party the necessity of greater 
exertion to -.escape" from being hamejjsed into the Democratic team, and 
driven hereafter- at the pleasure of such politicians as Douglas & Wise, or 
Davis, Cobb «i; Orr. . If General Hamrpond has supposed, from the signal 
compliment paid to'Tiitn by the Legislature last winter, that it is in his power, 
through the deep confidence reposed in himself, or by any combination with 
politicians at W.ashington, to control the State Rights party of South Caro- 
a 



lina, without regard to their old principles, it is my hope that he will find 
himself entirely mistaken. I do not believe that Mr. Calhoun himself, with 
all the sway which an unbounded confidence, alike honorable to him and to 
his party, gave him, could have done such a thing, if it had been possible 
for him to attempt it. 

This publication contains letters which were written by several 
members of the old State Rights party in reply to invitations to a dinner 
given by the citizens of Edgefield to their gallant and worthy representative, 
General Bonham, on the 2d of September last; and which appeared in sev- 
eral of the papers of the State. Their objeet was to oppose the sentiments 
and counsels of General Hammond's Beech Island speech, and to suggest 
for the consideration of the members of the State Rights party the necessity 
of rallying and organizing in defence of their long-cherished principles. 
These letters are now republished in this form, to contribute whatever they 
can towards the same object. ^ Added to them is a letter addressed by Gov- 
ernor Adams to the Committee of Arrangements for a dinner given to Gren- 
eral McQueen, at Cheraw| to-day, and which the courtesy of the Committee 
will permit to be used in this manner, as it treats more fully on the main 
questions now in contest than did the letter previously addressed by the 
same writer to the Edgefield Committee. Greneral Adams' first letter 
touched more specially the subject of ihe African Slave Trade, because he 
took the opportunity to defend himself agjiinst assaults recently made upon 
him; for, almost simultaneously with the deliyery"of 'Greneral Hammond's 
Beech Island Speech, in which that Senator decl'ai;^d'his opposition to the 
proposal to re-open the African slave-trade — a measure which he had till so 
late a period approved of — Mr, Orr and Mr. Boyee 'took occasion to de- 
nounce it also, in terms and in a manner that indicated unfriendly purpose 
towards General Adams. He had, when Governor, in discharging to the 
best of his judgment a constitutional duty, recomme.tj.ded Chis subject to the 
consideration of the Legislature. Since that time he -had said, nothing fur- 
ther on the subject, in speech or in writing, to the public,.antl the discussion 
had been carried on by others,... But if: any of our members of Congress, in 
undertaking to shape public sentimea't and directlthepdliti6s6f the State, 
imagined that they could tateadva-ntago of this, as a' weaker point of attack 
than his State Rights doctrines; 'Jnaai assault on Geherdl Adams, and that 
he would shrink from vindicating himself, they mistook the man. 

I have to add, on behalf of myself, and of the friends in concert with 
whom this publication is made, that in requesting Mr. Robert, of Georgia, 



XI 

to permit us to include his letter, we did so on account of the high tone of 
true Southern sentiment which pervades it, but that we by no means concur 
in the indiscriminate censure which he applies to all the Southern members 
of Congress who voted for the Kansas Bill. On that unlucky question, the 
truest State Rights men might easily have difTered; and it is only to ^.hose 
who gave their vote for the purpose of enabling a corrupt party to evade 
responsibility, that Mr. Robert's censure properly applies. 1 am confident 
that if Mr. Robert still resided iu South Carolina, so as to be more com- 
pletely familiar with the course of our public men, he would, at least, be 
entirely satisfied with Gen. McQueen's explanation of the reasons foj his 
vote; and that his confidence in Gen. McQ,ueen, as a true State Rights 
man, would remain unimpaired. 

MAXCY GREGG. 
Columbia, 19th November, 1858. 



.--^ 



LETTERS. 



LETTER FROM COL. ANDREW P. CALHOUN". 

Fort Eill^ August 2Ut, 1858. 

Gentlemen : I regret that I cannot accept your invitation to the 
dinner to be given to the Hon. M. L. Bonham, on the 2cl of Sep- 
tember. Independent of the liigh admiration I have for Gen. 
Bonham's manlv, bokl, and eTninently Southern position in voting 
against the " Conference Bilh* I have the additional inducement 
of friendship, dating- b;\ck to -e'ehool and College days, to unite in 
doing honor to one ]ivhOfT*^ver found courteous, brave and true. 
If, in the midst of ^clradvefse times for. the South, we neglect to 
honor the bold, honSt, and patriotic Representative, who fearlessly 
performs a.higl.r.duty to his State and hi^ section, then is the South 
ready for the yoke tjiat demons on the 'one side, and false friends 
on the otiierj" are j)j-0paring fur her once proud but docile neck. 
All that the trtic. rfcpi-eseut^tive of South Carolina, or any Southern 
State, ca"u: Jiope for in honestly maintaining Southern principles, 
without looking to the promotion of party interests, is the appro- 
bation of his ielJoiw-citizens. As *-«ectipn,tbe South is irretrieva- 
bly and hopelessly in a minority. • If .frneto herself, and her own 
dignity, Federal f'j^tron age can no longer be reached by any of 
her sons. In the Elector^ College the non-slaveholding States 
have a majority of si.xty, soon to be swelled to twenty more. A 
united South cannot elect a President. But a united South, with 
a few Northern States, can. To ett'eetsuch a combination, will the 



anti-slavery States unite with us by coming to our standard of prin- 
ciples, or are we forced to descend to their low political morality 
and limited concessions to us ? That the latter is the alternative 
presented, can be demonstrated by the fact that no one can be 
prominent, nationally, from the South, who advocates Southern 
Rights doctrines. They will meet you on the platform of Democ- 
racy. But declare yourself a Southern Rights man. Meet in 
Kashville, or Montgomery, only to consult and talk over the con- 
dition of your section, and the vocabulary of invective is exhausted 
in proclaiming you dangerous, not to the South — but to the Union. 
On the other hand, let any Southern man affiliate with them — say 
nothing in behalf of the South — raise no warning voice to arouse 
his countrymen to the danger of the volcano over which they su- 
pinely slumber — " damn with faint praise " some Southern man 
or measure — eulogize the Union — speak trifiingly of devotion to 
the South — and at once, even if destitute of any other merit, he 
becomes a favorite with the North, and perchance a candidate for 
the Presidency. The course of your immediate Representative 
may not make him popular in one division of the Union, with 
Northern men who profess Southern principles, but it has given 
him a place in the hearts of all loyal Southern men, as a reliable 
and faithful man. *5'-^ .: . • 

Permit me to close with a sentiment; •' '»? 

The Hon. M. L. Bonham: — Now alone ^"iCEmed, among South- 
ern members, to the glory of voting on the ^' s^fe side " in a great 
conjuncture for the South. ••' '' /.... 

Yery respectfully yours, .•.-.., ; . . . ' 

ANDRE W P. ■;& ALSO UN. 

To Messrs. S. S. Tompkins, Emmet Seibels, J..B. Grttfipiii, Loudon 
Butler, J. W. Hill, CoTtimiUee. '■'■■.) ;;•:.•;••;; 



LETTER FROM GOV. ADAMS TO COMMITTEE OF AR- 
RANGEMENTS AT EDGEFIELD. 

Live Oak^ August 30^/a, 1858. 

Gentlemen : I regret very much that it will not be convenient 
for me to accept your kind invitation to unite with you in the 
merited compliment which you have decided to pay to your dis- 
tin<]::uislied Representative. I have known Gen. Bonhain loncj and 
intimately, and no man appreciates him more highly than I do. 
" He is a gentleman on whom you may build an absolute trust." 
You have confided, I am sure, in one whose heart will never cher- 
ish an emotion inconsistent with your best interests and your 
highest honor. 

Upon the most vital question to the South, there is no issue be- 
fore us, which if rightly viewed, should divide or distract us. 
While the world has been madly and ignorantly assailing us, we 
are daily standing more erect in the conviction that there is noth- 
ing in Southern organization, social or political, for which we need 
blush or be ashamed. AYhile the North, in blind fury, cry out for 
"a new God and a uqw- Bible," we daily "search the Scriptures," 
and in them find cpmjfcrt a^d consolation, both for ourselves and 
our " bondmen." • * ' 

The defence ot. the Institution of Slavery as a thing right in 
itself^ was begun near thirty years ago, by Professor Dew, of Vir- 
ginia. The ai'gament was subsequently resumed and pressed to 
bolder oorujlitsibrtsv by Judge Harper. Then came Senator Ham- 
mond, whosei-.vindicatidn. of this institution, morally^ socially and 
politically ^''yv^?, unanswered,^, and to this day is unanswerable. 
These pioneers rolled back the caffjent^ opinion that was sapping 
its foundation, and lifted up Smithern^ sentiment to its present po- 
sition, viz : "TArt/ slavery is a thing that is, and is to be. Can it 
harm us to go a step farther and elevate it to the higher position 
that the Institution did not originate in fraud and theft ? Will not 
something be gained if we can root out from the Southern mind 
the idea of man-stealing, which our enemies persistingly associate 



with the Institution ? There is all the difference in the world be- 
tween man-trading and man-stealing. While the latter was con- 
demned, the former was legalized by the great Law-Giver of the 
Universe. 

It would carry me far beyond reasonable limit, to go at length 
into the merits of this question. It has, I am sure, vitality enough 
to survive the oracular anathemas which Mr, Speaker Orr has re- 
cently hurled at it. His insinuation that the purpose of its advo- 
cates is " to furnish material for Black Republicans," is as absurd 
as it is contemptible. Mr, Boyce contemptuously kicks it out of 
his path as a " barren issue." The people of this State will be 
sooner reconciled to cheap negroes, than they will to have annu- 
ally abstracted from their pockets over a million of dollars for the 
support of the Federal Government. When he submits his propo- 
sition to a popular vote, he will find it to be a very " barren is- 
sue." The clouds that hang around this question are daily rising 
higher and growing thinner. When they are dissipated, it will be 
viewed as a great question of labor inseperably bound up with 
modern civilization. With her 850,000 square miles of territory, 
all the South wants is the necessary supply, of labor to secure the 
monopoly of the great tropical staples, and with these she can 
command the commerce, wealth and-'manufactures of the world. 
Why is it, that the inferior lands of 'fowa^ "jviih her inhospitable 
climate, sell for twice as much as the rich lands of Texas, with 
the finest climate on earth. It is because the former has labor, 
and the latter wants it. Emigration to the'- SCnith west has weak- 
ened and must contiue to weaken. us. TTpon^'Our Worn out lands, 
can we hope at present prices, to retain our operatives, ;"' Uie mud 
silW'' of our prosperity ? Is it desirable -to. supply their places 
with '•'"mud sills'''' from the-..]^orth? If vfe. invite the element, 
must we not in time expe'ct.'to.hear an our veiT; midst the cry of 
" slaveocracy ? " Are not those in whose hands are now concen- 
trated our slaves, vitally interested in the diffusion of slavery ? 
Can we hope for this at present prices ? Is it wise, is it safe on 
the part of those who own slaves, to desire to keep their price up 
to a point that must forever exclude the laboring white man from 
owning them ? Aspirants for public honor have been threatened 



with associated influence because they have taught their slaves 
the mechanic arts. Is it not Letter that the white nieclianic 
should be able to own a slave at a living price, and thus, by the 
strongest of human motives, inierejit, be converted into a friend of 
the Institution, than to have him chafing under what he now con- 
siders an unfair competition between free and slave labor ? Can 
the Institution, in the long run, sustain itself as an oligarchy ? 

If the Coast of Africa were to-day thrown open to us, where is 
the capital to come from to buy, and where the ships to transport 
that might}' horde of barl)ariaiis with which we are told we would 
at once be inundated? Will not the great law of supply and de- 
mand regulate this commerce, just as it does all trade? The idea 
that the sudden effect would be to reduce the price of cotton to 
fiive cents, scarcely merits serious refutation. Except when extra- 
neous causes have operated to depress it, the more cotton we have 
produced the higher has been its price. He is a far-seeing man 
who can fix the limit of the world's want of this mighty fabric. 
It is the cheapest article with which to clothe the poor of the 
earth, and their nakedness is beyond our capacity to hide for cen- 
turies to come. Why does England hato slavery? She daily 
manufactures and M-ears slave groion cotton. She consumes slave 
grown sugar and rice ; -she ciiews and smokes slave grown tobacco. 
It is because shedi-eads the commercial domination which the mo- 
nopoly of these ti'opieal staples must inevitably bring to us. Her 
statesmen of the present day, as they survey the deplorable condi- 
tion of her. West India Islands, must in their hearts look upon AVil- 
berforce, Clat-ksmr'aiiil 'Brougham as the veriest mountebanks that 
ever eiroCessi nil J played off sentimentality against common sense. 
If the 3i|dd'en withdrawal from market of three millions of bales 
of cottoii (and I believe it) would cjiuse "England to topple down," 
in what security, wilt we notj'epo^.'w£en we shall grow ten million 
bales, and thewortd shall still ^^^ikr^ft more? It is a magnificent 
destiny to which- the future invites us. Let us oil and trim our 
lamps for the feast. It is true, as has been recently announced, 
that the South has for thirty years been laboring to undo previous 
blunders of Southern statesmen. Washington emancipated his 
slaves, and Jeflersou was the originator of the ordinance which 



dedicated the Northwest Territory to Freesoilisra. The South to- 
day repudiates by legal enactment the example of the former, and 
deplores the blunder of the latter. I was taught in the nursery 
that slavery was a wrong, and to look upon the negro trader with 
horror and diso-ust. I have lived to see men in high places — men 
selected to make our laws — trade for them by the hundred, and 
hurry them off, as fast as steam could carry them, to the far 
"West where fertile lands reward the husbandmen with abundant 
harvests. Virginia and Maryland, without shock to our moral sen- 
sibilities, enjoy the humane privilege of breeding and rearing 
Christianized slaves for the Southern market, just as the Ken- 
tuckians do mules and hogs. Now, as " trading in human flesh " 
is inseparable from the existenceof slavery, some little forbearance 
should be extended to those who are so " impracticable, visionary 
and foolish " as to think that the trade should be conducted on 
something like Free Trade principles. Some charity should be 
manifested toward those who think there is no more wrong in 
going to Africa to buy a slave than to Yirginia or Maryland. 
Even Seward, Giddings, Hale and Wilson admit that if slavery is 
right, then the slave trade is right. Seward declared, on the floor 
of the Senate, that he preferred i\iQ foreign to the domestic slave 
trade. The South on every sale day witnesses with composure, 
and guards with all the sanctions of law, trading in slaves, and 
still without even the formality of protest ; she annually pays her 
quota of $700,000, money absolutely wasted in an abortive effort 
to enforce the ridiculous enactment that the slav^ -trade is piracy. 
The Emperor of France boldly sends his ships .to the Coast of 
Africa for his needed 'm.^^^^^ pi chea^ptrojyicall'a^of-^ and when 
called to account in the English ParliarneHfe, silences their impu- 
dent interference by complac'§.ntly denominating, it free contract 
and hired labor. England rue$,.iier deed of folfyjand in her rest- 
less anxiety to repair, without the, candor to acknowledge it, quiets 
her conscience with the euphonious Coolie system. Those in the 
South who have ventured to look these truths fairly in the face, 
and fearlessly to utter them, are straightway set down as extrem- 
ists — " as pestilent fellows and as movers of sedition." 



When Southern statesmen voted to close the Slave Trade in 
1808, they coiTiinitted a '■'' hi under .^^^ and I am not afraid to say so. 
AVhen they voted the Slave Trade piracy, they not<»nly committed 
a "blunder," but they fixed upon us a stain that ought to be wiped 
out. When they voted for the Ashburton Treaty they committed 
a "blunder," and the olFensive articles of that Treaty ought to be 
repealed. Every compromise on Slavery has proved to be a " blun- 
der," and we should blot out the very word. 

The pass-word hereafter, it seems, is to be Xational Democracy, 
to which we are indebted for the Proclamation — Force Bill — Vio- 
lation of Tariff Compromise — Present Tariff — Application of Wil- 
mot Proviso to Oregon — Abolition of Slave Trade in District of 
Columbia — Loss of California — Dismemberment of Texas — An- 
nual Expenditure of Seventy Millions — Submission of Constitution 
to People of Kansas — (the black catalogue in hot haste to be en- 
larged and embellished by the) Admission of Kansas with less 
than ninety-three thousand inhabitants. 

Whenever I get my consent to apologize for the authors of such 
wounds upon Southern interests and Southern honor, " may my 
tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, and my right iand forget 
her cunning." 

I have the honor j^-be, with high regard, 

■ '. : , ' Your obedient servant, 

J. H. ADAMS. 
To Mersrs. S, S.; 'Tompkins, Emmet Seibels, J. B. Griffin, Loudon 

Butler, J. W.'iiill,. Committee. 



LETTER FROM GOV. ADAMS-TO COMMITTEE OF AK- 
EANGEMENTS AT CIIERAW. 

Live Oak^ November 13^A, 1858. 

Gentlemen : — I have received your invitation to be present at 
a dinner to be given to Gen. McQueen, on the 19th inst. I regret 
that business, which must be attended to on that day, compels me 



to forego tlie pleasure it would afford me to be present on the in- 
teresting occasion. I would like very much to join you in doing 
honor to one to whom honor is due — to mingle my congratulations 
with yours, and to greet with a cordial " well done " a statesman 
"in whom there is no variableness, neither shadow of turning." 
"While many have halted on the wayside, and some, longing after 
the "flesh pots," have strayed off in pursuit of false gods. Gen. 
McQueen occupies the proud and enviable position of having, 
from first to last, through good and through evil report, continued 
a State Rights man " of the straightest sect." His voice, in clear 
and unequivocal tones, is still heard counselling his countrymen to 
cling to the faith and usages of their fathers, and rather than sub- 
mit to degradation and ruin, to take their destiny in their own 
hands. Would to God every Southern member of Congress were 
as ready as he is to put the South at once upon her destiny. The 
ISTorth would soon realize her weakness and dependence upon us, 
and her betrayed people would turn upon her Giddings' and her 
Sewards and devour them. But, I fear, two j)owerful motives 
will for a time postpone the day of our "deliverance and liberty," 
viz — "the -loaves and fishes," and the feeling which "makes us 
rather bear those ills we have than fiy to others that we know not 
of." Both these motives address themselves to the meaner quali- 
ties of our nature, and, unfortunately, these latter too frequently 
control the conduct and affairs of life. It vvould be instructive, 
just at this time, to know how many Southern -politicians hoj)e to 
be made President of the Republic; how man.ya're longing for 
Cabinet and Ministerial appointments; hovir.many ^r.e speculating 
as to where they will be located under, the ; approaching census, 
and what their chance of being returned to*'-Washington. Many 
of them have realized the comfort of feeding-- out of the public 
granary, and it would go ,hard.;with them to have to draw their 
allowance from their own- cribs. Politicians of: this type, when 
" screwed up to the sticking place," will prove quite oblivious of 
past wrongs, and will be found to have grave doubts whether it 
would be good policy on the part of the united South to withdraw 
from a Union, whose history has been one of "repeated iiijuries 





and usurpation," and which, under Abolition su-av, must inevita- 
bly reduce the Southern States to the level of degraded provinces. 

lie is truly a 6an<(uine man who linds hope for the Soutli in the 
existing signs of the times. When, in the history of the world, 
has Fanaticism ever paused in its careeer until it had fullilled its 
reckless mission ? Wiien did it ever listen to reason, or stop at 
consequences? Point the Abolitionist to the "West Indies, and ask 
him if he would precipitate upon the South such a doom, and he 
will answer, Better that the South become a howling wilderness 
than that one made in the image of God should be held in bond- 
age. Interpose the Constitution as your shield, and he laughs in 
your face — You don't understand it Hold up to him the Bible, 
he hisses at you, and points to a " higher law." Mr. Calhoun, in 
iny judgment, was the ablest and most sagacious statesman that 
our country has ever produced. It will be rarely found safe to 
" depart from his matured judgment." I commend to the hope- 
ful the following extract from one of his latest speeches : 

" I have considered this subject (abolition) largely — widely. I 
think I see the future. If we do not stand up as we ought, in my 
humble opinion, the condition of Ireland is prosperous and happy ; 
the condition of Ilindostan is prosperous and happy ; the condition 
of Jamaica is prosperous and happy, compared witli what must be 
that of the Southern Statea." 

Seward has announced on the floor of the Senate (the late elec- 
tions leave no doubt of it), that the battle has been won ; and on 
the hustings he p/t>claims to his ^^ sans culottes'''' "Equality and 
Fraternity," an^ Ihafe"'-' this Government must be either wholly 
Freesoil or wiioUy SlavelK^lding." Seward is said to be a man 
who speaks what he tfihiks, and means what he says. Now what, 
let me ask you, is to be the consequence of this victory ? What 
less than the government of the Soutl]i.by the North — a sectional 
government — a government of mere numbere — without check, 
vulgar, despicable, and fit oidy for slaves? There are many now 
in the South who would hold ofiice under Giddings or Seward, 
from Cabinet appointment down to tide-waiter. There is now no 
ditliculty in finding Cassius M. Clays and Francis P. Blairs, who 
3 



JO 

wonld glory in the service, and laugh to scorn yonr indignation at 
their treachery. Senator Crittenden would to-morrow vote for the 
emancipation of the slaves of Kentucky, rather than vote to with- 
draw that State from the Union, Be pnrsuaded, in obedience to 
the suggestions of a too cautious policy, to try how tolerable w^ill 
be your condition under such a domination for the first four years. 
In the meantime, exercise your ingenuity in devising new plat- 
forms — your lungs in calling on the Northern Democracy to 
" throw up their sweaty night-caps " in your behalf. Assume a 
defiant attitude, and proclaim to your incredulous foe your impe- 
rial resources. Put your trust in Northern politicians, who " keep 
the word of promise to our ear and break it to our hope." Should 
such a man as Yancey of Alabama, whose escutcheon is without 
stain or blemish, foreseeing your degradation, call on you to 
" league " together in defence of your rights, " ofi^ with his head." 
Beware also of Maxcy Gregg. " He thinks too much— he is a 
great observer, and he looks quickly through the deeds of men." 
" Have about you men that are fat — such as sleep of nights." 
" Yet a little sleep, a little slumber, a little folding of the hands 
to sleep " — and what, I ask you, will it all end in ? Why, at the 
close of the first term of Black Kepublican rule, we will find in 
our midst an organized Freesoil Party ^ backed and uj)held by 
the overshadowing power and patronage of the Federal Govern- 
ment. The election will have been made under the forms of the 
Constitution, and, if we go into it, it will not dp- to say we will not 
submit, because we have been fairly outvoted. -..Abolition presses, 
under the false pretence of giving the new Administration a fair 
showing, will spring up among us. The' Post Qfiice will be in the 
hands of the enemy. Its mission will became one of poison — poi- 
son to be infused into our system through ' a thousand secret chan- 
nels. Our enemy knows- -too well his game for an open assault. 
Sapping and mining will be theprocess of our ruin, and that ruin 
will be traced in characters which it will require no soothsayer to 
interpret. Are we prepared for the state of vassalage which must 
speedily overtake us ? If we are, let us blot out from the book of 
our remembrance all recollection of the deeds of our fathers, and 



11 

forget that we aspired to he masters, without the courage to bo 
freemen. 

"With high consideration, I have tlie honor to be 

Your obedient servant, 

J. II. ADAMS. 
To Messrs. James Powell, W. L. T. Prince, J. II. Harrington, C. 
Kollock, J. F. !Matheson, li. F. Pegues, Gotfimittee of Arrange- 
vieiits. 



J^EITER FROM GEN. MARTIN. 

Charleston^ August ^Gt/i, 1S.5S, 

Gentlemen : — I have received the invitation with which you 
have lionored me, to the dinner to be given to the Hon. M. L. 
Bonham, by the citizens of Edgefield, on the 2d of September 
next. 

It would be very agreeable to me to attend. Edgefield is asso- 
ciated with very ])leasant memories. Some of the happiest of my 
youthful days were spent as a school-boy in your beautiful town. 
There I first knew your distinguished Representative, and the 
foundation of a friendship was laid, which has experieiiced no 
other change than that of the enthusiasm of youth to the more 
chastened sentiment of maturer years. The District is cherished, 
too, in my best. 'affections, as the birth-place and home of my 
family, many of \^dio4i% are beneath the soil they laid down their 
lives to defend. I nfied not go beyon<l your Committee, gentle- 
men, for the names of 'those whose ancestors, with mine, expeii- 
enced the sharp struggles of the Whigfi and Tories of iUe Revolu- 
tion. Many a green mound marks their resting place, though their 
names till no page of histoiy. 

I regret, however, tiiat I will not be able to be with you. In 
every position in which I have known Gen. Bonham, in peace and 
in war, in the council and the field, he has been fully up to the 
strictest requirements of duty. In his Congressional career he haa 



12 

exhibited the same high qualities which, in tlie responsible civil 
and military positions he has filled, have commanded respect and 
confidence of all. I^othing, therefore, would be more agreeable to 
me than to unite with you in this demonstration of regard and 
esteem. 

As I fill no public station, I attribute your remembrance of me 
to my friendship for your Eepresentative. I value it the more for 
that reason. This fact, however, would exempt me from the obli- 
gation which custom imposes, of expressing an opinion upon 
public affairs. But although a private citizen, I am not without a 
deep interest in the welfare of the State and the South. It belongs 
to those of greater ability, and more familiarity with politics, to 
advise with you upon the events now agitating the country. Upon 
your public men, whose course necessarily influences the issues 
before us, devolves the responsibility of telling you how to meet 
them. You have committed your interests to their keeping, and 
theirs is the duty of preparing you for the conflict. It would be 
very gratifying if I could share the hopeful feeling lately exhibited 
by many public men and presses of the South. As an observer, 
removed from active participation in current events, I am unable 
to perceive that improvement in public affairs by which others are 
inspired. If the fanatics are less aggressive — with energies less 
stimulated by the public sentiment around them than formerly — ■ 
if there are any stronger grounds for expecting Constitutional 
guaranties to be respected hereafter than they have heretofore 
been, I cannot perceive them. On the contrary, I think this 
aggressive spirit will be more fully put forth in..the Presidential 
struggle of 1860 than it was in 1856, and with, greater probability 
of success. We are in the middle of the.- Presidential term. The 
comparative calm, denoting preparation, may lull us into a sense 
of securit>' — but it will deceive ..us. Not hn element of strife here- 
tofore present, will be wanting. Many not before known, or else 
imperfectly organized and little felt, will be added. In the accumu- 
lating tide of public sentiment at the North — a tide which has had 
no ebb — we will encounter perils which no party can resist. Such 
at least are my opinions. I acted upon them in 1851, and many 
acted with me who seem hopeful now — but were hopeless then. 



13 

I have ceased to hope for redress in tlie Union — and those who are 
of my opinion and are unwilling to be recoi^ui/od as uuecinal, 
must look for redress out of it. I can, then, but deplore the 
policy which counsels so much patient philosophy in our ditHcul- 
ties. It is calculated to lower the tone of our people. To con- 
vince a man that his position is inevitable, is at once to set hiiu 
about making it as endurable as })0ssible. To persuade our people 
that the Union mitst last — nay, that their wi-ongs may be re- 
dressed in it — is to familiarize them to its continuance; the next 
and easy step is to be reconciled to it. I wish no such truce. I 
prefer a cordial response to the Macedonian cry " come over and 
help us," of our young sister Alabama. Deleiidaas Carthago. I 
know no other motto for the South. 

I have the honor to be, gentlemen, 

With the highest respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

WM. E. MARTIN. 

To Messrs. S. S. Tompkins, Emmet Seibels, J. B. Griffin, Loudon 
Butler, J. W. Hill, Committee. 



LETTER FROM MR. TRADEWELL. 

Columbia, August 28^A, 1858. 
GENTLE^rEN : I have the. honor to acknowledge your kind invi- 
tation to be present at a dinner to be given to your imtnediate 
Representative in Congress, the Hon. M. L. Bonham, at Edge- 
field C. IL, en Thursday, the 2d of next -month, and at the same 
time to express my mortification on ficcount of my inability to 
accept it. An extra Court of Equity sits hero on Monday, the 
Gth prox., on whicii my profi'ssional engagements command me to 
attend. Many causes conspire to make my disappointment hard 
to bear. I was born on the banks of the little stream that washes 
the southern base of your hill, spent many houi-s of early study 
in the grove of your academy, and the ashes of dear kindred re- 



14: 

pose witliin your village boundaries ; and I cannot describe the 
pleasure it would aiford me to join you in extending a cordial 
" well done " to your honored guest and Representative, whose 
first Session was signalized by a vote which will cover him with, 
glory as long as the proud fame of a Quitman, who voted with 
him, shall survive. It is probable, too, were I to be with you, that 
your too kind consideration for me would induce you to call for an 
expression of my own views concerning public men and aifairs, 
and although my tastes and interest alike lead me away from pol- 
itics at this time, (I am hopeless in regard to Southern politicians,) 
I must acknowledge it would be grateful to my feelings to have it 
in my power, on the spot of my birth, once more to deliver a sol- 
emn warning to the people of our State concerning the delusions 
as to their future policy and destiny which leading public men are 
weaving into their hearts. But I must content myself with the ex- 
pression of my sentiments in the form of a letter. 

I said that leading public men, given over to strong delusion 
themselves, are endeavoring to delude the people. I am sincere 
in this conviction. It is their intention to bind the State to the 
ITational Democratic car, and merging her in the great over- 
shadowing, devouring organization of the itTational Democratic 
party, to destroy forever her political identity. It is their design 
to obliterate her past history and ancient political landmarks, and 
from henceforth to give her no power, no honor, no glory, no vital- 
ity beyond that which she may derive from her a^iliation with that 
party. They intend to subjugate her unqualifiedly to the domin- 
ion of that party to whose rule no voice o£ opposition shall be 
heard but at the risk of political disfranchisement and death. 
These men intend that that party shall sway a s6eptre of universal 
empire, powerful to pull down and set lip irien and States, sections 
and institutions. Is is to overturn "principalities and powers," to 
break down all other organizations, to sway the public mind, pub- 
lic press, and public councils, to tliunder forth edicts that are to be 
the " higher law," — and, moving under the mighty energy of a 
common desire and aim for Federal offices and honors, finally to 
deliver over the country to public ravagers and spoilers. It is to 
" know no Korth, no South, no East, no West." Its avowed mis- 



15 

sion is to nationalize the Government, the States, the people, and 
the Constitution ; to modify and reform tlie great principles of 
State Rights and Stato Sovereignty into fjishiun to suit ambitious 
leaders; and, careering onward in the path of tlie Proclamation 
and Force Bill, and surpassing the achievements of that memora- 
ble time, to lead captive South Carolina and the whole country, 
and place them in confiding submission at the foot of the Tre-si- 
dential throne. Such are to be the results of its i)rotracted domi 
nation. Will the constituents of the umlaunted Bonham lend 
themselves to such abhorred consummations? I do not believe 
they will. The ghosts of the great dead, whose living voices in- 
flamed them to fiery madness against the accui-sed tyranny of that 
party in the past, will rise up to restrain them from such foul 
apostacy. 

But it appears to me that the power of that party has reached 
its culminating point, and that it must tall off rapidly — at least 
from its present organization. It is true, it was but recently suc- 
cessful in a Presidential election, but as I have had occasion to say 
before, in my opinion Mr. Buchanan's triumph was just only not 
a defeat, and I suppose that it is now universally admitted that ho 
was the only man who could have carried his party victoriously 
through the contest of 1S56. When it is remembered, too, that 
his rival for Presidential honors was a miserable scrawn — remark- 
ably chiefly for the facility with which he appropriated other 
men's labors and fyr his power of physical endurance, wholly des- 
titute of any of thepfoper elements of a statesman — what has the 
Democratic partly tO'Uope.fpr when a really great man, possessing 
every necessary intellettual qualification, shrewd, calm, cautious, 
and ambitious, is presented to the country by a party compactly 
knit together, resolved' on tlie triumph of a single great idea, 
which has kindled the fir68 of fanaticism and seized upon and 
sways the public mind of three entire sections of the Union with 
the power of a storm i It is easy to answer the question. The 
contest'of 18G0 is certain in ita result. The South, with her en- 
feebled Northern allies, will then be beaten, and will remain 
beaten forever thereafter. It is plain that such is the conclusion 
of some of the Icadei^s of the Democracy in the Free States, who 



16 

look upon their party at home as on the verge of ruin. Mr. 
Douglas, the idol of some of our National devotees, and whom 
they recently commended to our confidence and aifections as 
^'-wearing the scars of lattle^^ is an admitted apostate. What a 
pregnant commentary upon the sagacity of distinguished Nationals 
in South Carolii^a, who two years ago proclaimed their preference 
for the " Little Giant " over Mr. Buchanan for the Presidency, and 
urged upon us the policy of going into the Convention at Cincin- 
nati. Why, do the favorers of that policy suppose that the people 
are blind or stupid ? Do they imagine that Washington is the 
only point of political prospect and observation ? If they do, they 
err, and whatever they may say concerning the movement of Sen- 
ator Douglas, the interpretation which common sense at home 
gives to it is, that he is escaping from a fallen edifice, determined 
not to be crushed in its ruins. Mr. Orr has styled the defection 
of his scarred warrior of the Northwest as an " aberration " to be 
repented of and forgiven, but that gentleman well knows that it 
crashed like a thunderbolt through his National party, dashing it 
into fragnients, exposing him to consuming ridicule, and over- 
whelming his scheme of amalgamation. " Biut it is Ms purpose 
to return to the Deinocratic fold ! " I pity that public man, tlie 
exigency of whose political relations, or the selfishness of whose 
political ambition, compels him to become the apologist of the 
traitor and renegade. 

Ahead of the defection of Mr. Douglas, as ominous of the fate 
of the National Democracy at the North, I point.'to the fact that 
her great intellects and men of genius gji-e- no longfer sent to Wash- 
ington, but men of low tastes, fanatics '.and "brawlers — a liorrid 
crew. Looking at the character of 'Freesoil Abolition Representa- 
tives, there can be no doubt but that -the. noisy demagogue and 
brawler, aided by the ignorant fanatic (more signally in some lo- 
calities than others), have succeeded in di-iving patriotism, honesty 
and intellect from the public service, and in their place have ele- 
vated a selfish and time-serving mediocrity. It cannot be long, 
therefore, before the organized political power of the country will 
have passed into the hands of men destitute alike of the ability 
and inclination to conduct public affairs upon great principles of 



17 

justice and the Constitution. " Coming events cast their sliadows 
before," and the baleful shadows of Freesoil Abolition ascendancy 
are now being projected into the South. Look at Virginia and 
murk the signs there. Is it not apparent that her politicians are 
already trimming their sails to the Freesoil breeze, and are pre- 
paring to go into port under Freesoil ])ilotage ? The indications 
are unmistakable that paralysis is creeping upon the limbs of the 
great Democracy in the Freesoil regions which are to bo van- 
quished for all time by Black licpublicanisni in the contest of 
1860. When, therefore, we see Southern men in Congress ex- 
Lausting their powers in Mormon speech-making and in delivering 
stale platitudes about ''Free Exchanges," rather than stimulating 
and organizing their section in view of an event just ahead of us, 
which is to shake the whole fabric of American civilization and 
liberty to its centre, in order to restrain our rage we arc compelled 
to call their treachery simplicity, and laugh at it as we would at 
the idle fiincy of a man who persists in building his,ox-stall while 
his dwelling is on fire. As they have done before, such men> will 
betray the South in the hour of her most imminent peril; and, 
dragging her down beneath the feet of a great consolidated gov- 
ernment, controlled by a great National party, will become the 
charioteers of that Government to drive the car of its power over 
their pr^Jstrate section; and, confounding the Constitution and lib- 
erty with the Union and party, will hurl their bolts of destruction 
at all who may presume to bewail its departed gl'»ry. 

According, then, to my reading of the signs of the times, the 
defeat of the Nittional Democracy in 18C0 is absolutely certain. 
Before this State, therefoi'e, rushes into its embraces, it is wise to 
consider what will be the oflect of that development upon the De- 
mocratic party in the ;Frde.^tate8. Is it not evident that for all 
practical political purposes the effect will be to kill that party stone 
dead? That result must utterly disorganize and break it to ])ieces. 
There would no longer be any leaders to point its course or pre- 
serve its organization. Subsefjuent to a defeat, it would be out of 
the ordinary course of things to suppose that the Democrats of the 
Free States would consent to remain in a minority at home to ac- 
commodate their friends abroad, especially when they agreed with 
^ I 



18 



1 



their enemies and differed from their friends on a most grave ques- 
tion, involving sentiment and conscience. Such a conclusion is 
repugnant to all reason and experience, to hold which is folly blind 
as midnight ; and although in a succeeding Presidential contest, 
in view of the spoils, an effort might be made to reconstruct the 
fallen fortunes of the Democracy, that effort could not be made 
on any great question, principle or platform relating to the rights 
of the South, for if it should be, a second defeat, more disastrous 
if possible than the first, would follow. Satisfied with what they 
had done and suffered for the South on the first disaster in a Presi- 
dential contest, the Northern Democracy, carrying with it the en- 
tire party everywhere, would abandon forever all attempts to up- 
hold the rights of the slave section, and, ever fruitful in inventions 
to obtain and retain power, before we were aware of it, would out- 
strip the Black Republicans themselves in originating schemes to 
limit and confine the institution of slavery. And all this, let it be 
remembered, would be done in a manner so handsome as not to 
give offence to their slaveholding friends. To fail in this would be 
to acknowledge that they were political bunglers, destitute of the 
arts necessary to achieve an essential point of policy. 

To my mind, one of the most alarming features in the condition 
of our affairs, is that the National party ini'the Slave States, both 
in and out of Congress has a perfect knowledge of the game that is 
in progress, and yet will not cry out against it, but by silence and 
inactivity sanctions it. Scene after scene in the drama of submis- 
sion is unfolded and as soon as unfolded is explained by South- 
ern men. The unity of party, fealty to party, the triumph and 
consequent spoils of party are the ruling considerations poten- 
tial in all sections, and to popularize "vtlieir position they claim 
to be, ^ar excellence^ the Union loving. Union saving party. 
Here is laid the foundation of JSTational Democratic organization 
at the South. Their motto is " tJie Union must he /presermd^ 
In my early days I saw an ensign flying with that inscription 
while the stormy breath of the National Democracy kept it waiv- 
ing and the shouts of the standard bearers were as the voice of 
many waters. I have not forgotten— it is impossible that I should 
forget the war of extermination waged by the National Democra- 



19 

tic party of 1832 against the great and glorious principles ol 
States Rights and States Sovereignty, and it is equally impossible 
that I should forget how South Carolina won honor as undying 
as truth in their defence. 

But it is claimed that the National party of this day, purged 
of its errors, are our friends and admit that we are right on the 
present great questions. But is it not true that the party of '32 
admitted that the South was right then and the North wrong, but 
at the same time decided that the South must go down beneath 
the tread of an army with banners rather than that the Union 
should be disrupted? Will it, the Kational Democratic party, 
not do the same again ? The leaders and the rank and file of that 
party are protectionists and friends of internal improvements, 
practicall}', I care not what they may be in platforms and resolu- 
tions. Suppose then that they should actually pass a protective 
tariff like that of ' 28 or ' 42, what possibility would there be for 
the escape of the South from its intolerable oppressions and exac- 
tions ? None, none, absolutely none. Could the Southern wing 
resort to nullification ? No, that would be a measure of disunion 
against which the whole party is pledged ; besides, the South 
would be told that tlie secure enjoyment of her slave property de- 
pended upon the integi'lty of the National Democratic party, and 
to it therefore she must remain faithful. 

Looking then to the certainty of the triumph of Black Republi- 
canism in ISGO, and the consequent disintegration of the National 
Democracy, as well as to the incongruous elements of which that 
party is composed, I repeat that the idea of preserving its organiz- 
ation on a basis favorably to the security of the South is absolutely 
preposterous. In what, then, does the profound anxiety mani- 
fested by certain politicians in Congress for an unconditional 
amalgamation of the State Rights party of South Carolina with 
the grand National organization originate ? Ever since 1837 the 
State has uniformly voted with the Democratic party, but she has 
done this without surrendering herself to its management or dom- 
ination. She proudly stood upon her ancient principles and voted 
for the Democratic nominees because she chose to do so, and not 
because she was forced into the measure under the obligations of 



20 

party alliance. During all the while no commonwealth of ancient 
or modern .times occupied a more honorable or influential position. 
Her public men of all that period were the'glory of the Confeder- 
acy ; and her people, animated with State pride and profoundly 
versed in the true principles of their government, though weak in 
political elements, wielded a moral power in its administration 
that absolutely amazed corrupt party leaders at "Washington. 
Again I ask, why do certain politicians insist on pulling down the 
State from her proud position of independence, where she remains 
mistress of her own movemets ? Is she terrible in her virtue 
and therefore must be debauched ? Do they distrust the fidelity 
of her people to their own great principles so long cherished by 
them 2 Or do they fear that the people, holding steadfastly to 
those principles, may obstruct their path to E"ational office and 
power ? May we not ask those eager politicians what better ser- 
vice she could render the government in its efforts to uphold the 
Constitution, clad in the armor of a National party than in her 
own ? "When her identity had been lost, could she do more in the 
cause of the Constitution and for herself than when she stood out 
distinctively in her own political individuality? 

The cause of this struggle to whelm the State in the slough of 
National Democracy is to secure her co-opft-atipn in keeping the 
South in the Union under all circumstances an.d in all contingen- 
cies. The effort is to drive South Carolina from her safe isolation 
in order to deprive her of the right to think and act for herself, 
and thus to secure her aid in Nationalizing the government and 
in ruling it absolutely by the law of party instead of the law of the 
Constitution. Here lies the danger to" which the South will be 
eminently exposed when South Carolina (one of the principal bul- 
warks of its safety) shall have been won to the embraces of the 
National Democracy. These nuptials celebrated, the destiny of 
this State at least will be unalterably fixed. Thenceforth she will 
liave no voice of her own. The Democracy of the Free Soil, anti- 
slavery region, ever dominant in convention, through it will com- 
mand her allegiance and claim the right to point her course on all 
questions of discussion and action in Congress and out of Con- 
gress, and she must be submissive, though that question should 



21 

be tlie repeal of the Fuc^itive Slave Law, the demolition and recon- 
struction of the Federal Judiciary, the refusal to admit a slave 
State, a protective tariff or the election of a Black Republican 
President. Should these measuies be forced upon the South, and 
South Carolina amalnjaniate, it is a foregone conclusion that we 
must submit and lii!;lit their authors ?;i </<',; Union. Who dreams 
that the Democrats of the Free States will ever join the Soutli in 
resisting Black Republicanism in any other way than the antago- 
nistic array of parties at the ballot box? Is any one so fatally 
blind as to suppose that Free Soil abolititm Democracy will ever 
join the South in revolution? Xo. There is not jiower sufficient 
on earth to drive them to such co-operation. They will wage a 
warfare of voting against Black Kepublicanism to secure the spoils. 
They will do no more ; and they will call upon their allies of the 
South to uphold them, prescribing the terms of the coalition. Our 
public presses, public men and people with all our resources will 
be invoked to the rescue of the National Democracy — for what \ 
To give it office and spoils. Nor could the invocation be resisted. 
The South would be told that the North had stood by her shoulder 
to shoulder in the day of their mutual and victorious power, 
and that to desert the North in her adversity, brought on by her 
efforts to serve and pa%'ti'the South, would be recreancy and dis- 
honor. The South would therefore bo compelled to remain in the 
Union, to make war in conjunction with the Democratic North, 
against Black Republican domination, and the victory (if indeed 
victory should be won) would enure wholly to the benefit of the 
North, as a section, and to a few brawling advocates of National- 
ism, at the South. Every Jiiovement of the leaders points in this 
direction and they are resolved upon it. The great workshop at 
Washington constructs all its engines with this view. The whole 
power of the Federal Government will be wielded for this end. 
Every dispensation of its i^atronage looks to this consummation. 
To effect the iniquitious measure of thorough amalgamation, en- 
ginery as artful as powerful has been put in operation in this State, 
causing defection after defection to stain her political escutcheon. 
Her public men, forgetful of her honor and unfaithful to her prin- 
ciples, are perpetually giving way before its conquering pressure. 



22 

The recent lion of the Third Congressional District, a while since 
the vehement denouncer of National Democracy, who refused to 
go into its caucus at Washington to vote for the nomination of its 
sweaty leader in South Carolina for Speaker, under alternate lash- 
ing and petting, has tamed down into its disgusting apologist, de- 
claring that "of its fidelity he should entertain no doubt in ad- 
vance." Oh shame! shame! From his constituents, heretofore 
unterrified and uncorrupted, the moveless bulwark of " State 
Rights and State E-emedies," will not some " chosen curse, some 
hidden thunder, red with uncommon wrath," fall upon him ? To 
bring about this darling purpose of absorption some of the very 
best material South Carolina ever possessed has been buried 
amongst Custom House ledgers at home or in Ministerial furs 
abroad. One of her delegation in Congress, caressed for his 
working ability and convenient facility, as a reward for his " cath- 
olic patriotism," wears the soiled robes of Speaker of the House 
of Representatives. As another flattering unction, the Spoilers' 
Convention to nominate candidates for President and Yice-Presi- 
dentfor 1860, is to meet in your Commercial Metropolis, and in 
sight of Fort Moultrie, whose guns were pointed against its citi- 
zens by the National party of 1832, and of the grave of your 
Calhoun whom that party menaced with the gibbet at the same- 
period, are the final bolts of that connection to be driven which is 
to make us the vassal-subjects alike of government and party. 

But I fear I have wearied you with my protracted protest and 
warning. Pardon my trespass to an all-pervading desire to aid in 
saving the State from the loss of her "honor' and loUg-cherished 
principles, and to keep her out of the defiled hands of National 
politicians, who, I solemnly believe, are bent on reaching place 
and power over the ruins of both. 

Allow me to assure you that I confide in the political integrity 
and sagacity of your distinguished Representative, whom you pro- 
pose to honor. I would help him, if I could, in his glorious pur- 
pose of upholding the rights of the South and the honor of the 
State at Washington. But I am powerless. It is his duty, how- 
ever, (and he will perform it although he may be almost alone) to 
preserve as much of our honor, liberties and Constitutional fran- 



cliises as he can. Let him husband all that exalted public virtue 
and sentiment (the proper product of his State) which he carried 
with him to Washington (a very charnel-house of everything good 
and pure and true in politics), the fruits of which shall crown 
him with honorable tame and bless the land of his birth and 
hopes. Let him be assured that the frowns and flatteries of the 
National Government, and its National party, will not be wanting, 
fii-st to awe, and then corrupt him. Let him feel that to repose 
under the luxurious shadow of that Government and that party, 
will i)oison him politically as surely as he dies naturally who 
sleeps under the shade and droppings of the Upas. Kansas will 
go to Washington during the next session, or the session thereafter, 
with an anti-slavery Constitution, demanding admission — the Eng- 
lish Bill notwithstanding. She will be admitted, and with the aid 
of National Democrats. Let him war against the measure with 
unflinching fortitude. 

Gentlemen, I pray that my gloomy anticipations concerning the 
fate of our State and section may never be realized ; but in alli- 
ance with and in subservience to the National-Democratic-Union- 
Government party, I see no ground for hope that South Caro- 
lina can be anything more for the future than a province of a co- 
lossal consolidated empire — " an insignificant bit in a vast mosaic 
of despotisiA*." Such being my convictions, I have locked up the 
storehouse of our common.glorious recollections, " for every kind- 
ling word drawn from the past would fall with the burning touch 
of satire upon the present." 

I have the honor to be, 

Teiy respectfully. 

Your obedient servant, 

JAMES D. TPtADEWELL 

To Messrs. S. S. Tompkins, Emmet Seibels, J. B. Griflin, Loudon 
Butler, J. W. Hill, Committee. 



24 



LETTER FEOM COL. A. J. GREEInT. 

Columbia, August 30, 1858. 

Gentlemen: — I have the honor to acknowledge your invitation 
to be present on the occasion of a "Public Dinner" to be given 
to your immediate Representative, the Hon. M. L. Bonham, on 
Tuesday, the 2d September next. I regret I shall not be able to 
be' with you on that day, but beg to assure you, nevertheless, that 
no one can more full}'' appreciate the high worth of your gallant 
Representative than my humble self. To the confidence and inti- 
macy engendered of a somewhat extended acquaintance with him, 
I have now to add my admiration for that sagacity which could 
penetrate the disguises of the " English Conference Bill," and for 
that manliness which could know no compromise of right or of 
justice. I congratulate you, then, upon the possession of a public 
servant worthy of all confidence and of the highest honors. He 
has not forgotten the ancient prestige of his State for scrupulous 
devotion to principle — he has not forgotten the teachings of her 
wisest and purest statesman — he has not forgotten the requiretnenta 
of his own gallant constituency, and" the escutcheon of South Car-'', 
olina has suffered no tarnish at his hands.' It would^-'I am aware, 
be a great presumption on my part to question either the wisdom 
or motives of the rest of our delegation in Congress who thought 
fit to differ with Gen. Bonham on this Bill- {and with regard to one, 
at least, I cannot entertain the slightest doubt as to his faithful ad- 
herence to the cherished doctrines of. tfe State) ; yet, without com- 
mitting this presumption, I may be permitted to say that, to one 
brought up under the glorious "States Rights " principles of our 
beloved Commonwealth, it sounds strange indeed to hear of so 
much compromise for the sake (A ])arty, even though it be the 
all-triumphant Democratic; and even here, I fear, the evil does 
not rest : for South Carolina — that South Carolina which so de- 
lighted to honor the great Calhoun — is not only claimed a's Demo- 
cratic, but as " Nationally " Democratic — since we are gravely 
told by those who " sit in the high places " that there is no differ- 



ence between tl)e "States Iviglits" ami "National" wins^s <»f that 
organizatiun. Is this so indeed ? Has our State so soon forgotten 
by what party was stricken every blow against her most cherished 
doctrines of '* Free Trade," "States Riglits," and " States Sover- 
eignty ? " Has she forgotten, alas ! that wealth of memories which 
clusters around the names of her (Calhoun, lier McDutlie, lier Ham- 
ilton, and her Ilayne!; In the Fourth Congressional District, you, 
at least, can answer no I for a lionhara is your standard bearer. 

I may bo indulged here, too, perhaps, if I venture to trespass 
further upon your patience, by touching upon a subject which, dc- 
sjute of its having been denominated "impracticable," "vision- 
ary," and "foolish," does^ nevertheless, occn])y much of the atten- 
tion of the South at this time. There are many amongst us who 
recollect the not distanl^ast, when our institution of slavery was 
held bv no stronger tenure than the "bated breath" of concilia- 
tion ; when, indeed, it was considered the mere scaffolding neces- 
sary perhaps for the erection of the building, but still to bo stricken 
awav when the 'editice was completed. Yet how does it stand 
now ? Driven to combat with the fierce fanaticism of the xs'orth, 
reason and research have alike led n3 to an impregnable rock of 
(lei^feiace. No longer apologists fortius condition of things in our 
\\\\mX^ but finding it simctioned by Holy Writ and sustained by the 
precedent (kl^wisest antiquity, we boldly proclaim ourselves ready 
to defend it If necessary with the bayonet, and determined to trans- 
mit it to our latest posterity. I say such is our present position on 
the subject of slavery, and he who gainsays it is fitter associate 
for Giddings and Greeley than for the people of the South. Is it 
"unwise" " visionary," W-^' foolish," then, with this determina- 
tion on Our part, and with the world arrayed against us, to devise 
means by which this ijistitution is to be upheld and strengthened? 
Mr. Giddings tells us, incJeed, that his party watchword of " No 
more Slave States," is no longer to be the rallying cry for Aboli- 
tion hordes ; but mark you why. The whilom silence«l, but never 
abandoned, " Wilmot Proviso " is to be a condition annexed to our 
Territorial Governments. Admirable concession ! Glorious moral 
victorv of the South ! No State without the chrysalis Territorial 
condition— no Territory without the "Wilmot Proviso? What 



26 

matters it thtit we now stand as fifteen Southern States, including 
Delaware, to eighteen iNorthern ? What matter if Kansas is to 
swell that number at the next session of Congress to nineteen 
against ns, despite the Conference humbug, and its requisition of 
ninetj^'-three thousand inhabitants! What matters it that the Ter- 
ritories West and jS'orthwest of ns are rapidly advancing to that 
condition when they, too, shall demand admission as Freesoil 
States? Has not Mr. Giddings told us his party abandons the po- 
sition that " no more Slave States " are to be admitted ? And 
even if they do insist upon that " Wil mot Proviso " (Wilmot, by- 
the-by, was a National Democrat), what of that? Clearly, the 
Abolition party has backed down from its audacious position — 
and has not the South gained a "great moral victory ? " What 
matters it that the great high priest of Jibolitionism, Freesoilisra, 
and Black Republicanism (if there be any distinction among the 
three), Mr. Seward, tells us the battle has been fought, indeed, but 
that they have gained the victory ! What matters it, according to 
the same authority, that the Supreme Federal Court is to be reor- 
ganized ; and that a great States Convention, to alter and amend 
the Constitution, is to be called ! Have we' not gained a victory,:. 
too — and are we not most unreasonable men,' not to be satisfied 
with its m.oral worth ! Sev.-ard, Giddings, Wilson, SuHiner, Hale, 
Hamlin, Wade, Chandler, '•'- et id omne ^<?;?.W5," owe their seats in 
Congress to their implacable^ unresting half ed to slavery ; and 
yet we — we who believe this institution to be morally, religiously 
and politically right — m'c, who declare ouraelves ready to sustain 
it at the hazard of our lives, are called upon, forsooth, to signally 
rehuhe any man amongst tis, wlwse greoimt fault may he his ex- 
treme devotioii to this veo'y interest ! _ ■ \ 

I am, fellow-citizens, -"': 

Your obedient servant, 

ALLEN J. GEEEN. 
To Messrs. S. S. Tompkins, Emmet Selbels, Loudon Butler, J. B. 
Griffin, and J. W. Hill, Committee of Arrangements, Edge- 
field, S. C. 



LEITEK OF CAPT. U. :^^. EOBEUT. 

Jfrathmoi'e^ Dougfierty Co., Ga. 

GEXTLorKx: Yours of the lOtli instant, invitinir my yire'^ence at 
a dinner to Le given by the " Citizens of Etlgetickl," to their ini- 
inediate Representative, the lion. M. L. Bonham, was duly re- 
ceived. I thank you forgiving me theo]>portunity to mingle with 
you on that interesting occasion, but I shall liave to deny myself 
that pleasure. 

As a Southern Rights man, I feel a deep interest in your festiv- 
it}', and the occasion wli%i produces it, and as a native South Ca- 
rolinian, I have a feeling of devotion and attachment beyond my 
power to express. I am not a politician, and in no way connected 
with places of political promotion, and it is not expected that I 
sliould, in accepting your invitation, enter into a discussion of po- 
litical matters. You will permit me, however, to say a few words 
touching the present Condition of the South. 

I regard the so-called Conference Bill as violative of the Kan- 
sas Nebraska Act, as vet another surrender of Southern rijrhts, as 
full of deception, sustained liy legislative trickery, and as a blem- 
ish upon the reputation of every Southern man who voted for it. 
After that vote was taken, I regarded the Southern Rights party in 
the Democratic elemQlit as reduced to tico men out of our entire 
delegation in Congi-ess. One of these was the noble and gallant 
Quitman, who has since |i;oBe to receive his reward " of well done 
good and faithful seitvant ^ — tor after so much tidelitv — in the 
midst of so much deseritlctfi — Heaven cannot close its gates on hi3 
immortal spirit. The other was the true and noble Bonham, who 
now stands alone, among Southern Representatives, but is sur- 
rounded and sustained by nearly all the South ; and her gallant 
people feel that he is dear to their hearts and to their homes! 
You cannot, within the purview of our Republican simplicity, and 
independence, honor him too highly. 



28 

While I am so elated with your immediate Representative, you 
ranst not consider me disrespectful, if out of the abundance of my 
Southern heart, I say Senator Hammond has disappointed the just 
expectations of his warm Southei-n i'riends. That he shonkl have 
voted for the Conference Bill is a small matter compared with the 
motives v\^hicli influenced him, as exemplified in the report of Iris 
late speech at Beech Island. Tliat speech is eminently Union, 
transcendently^(2c(/jc. Coming from the man who was to wear 
" Calhoun's mantle," it advises me that South Carolina must look 
elsewhere, for the man to keep alive and active the principles of 
that great statesman. 

It is the more niortifying that the Senator is not alone, in his 
lowering of the Southern standard, and which is not to revive 
again until a Black Kepuhlican shall |^ elected President, and 
'■'• there is a repetitio7i oi tha offence." We see Senator Hunter, 
through the "Kichmond South^'''' and Jefferson D^vis, in his own 
proper person joining in this cry of Union — that" masked battery 
from behind which the rights of the South ard-'tq be assailed." 
And even the distinguished author of this latter sentiment, seems to 
have his ponderous brain opiated with the sam-e delightful recrea- 
tion, while old Buck pats him on the ".back and calls him my 
friend Tombs." I do not include in this category, Gov. Wise, for 
" from him, the good Lord deliver us." 

This sudden change of political phase is to be ascribed to the 
game of President making.; and it is pretty well settled that the 
next candidate of the Democracy will come .from the South. As 
one of the unitiated, I will venture the assertion that it is unne- 
cessary for these gentlemen to look in that direction, for the dis- 
tinguished head of the Treasury Depai'tmenf-j backed by the Cabi- 
net and eighty millions of patronage,"' lias, the "inside track," 
and will likely keep it. 

We would all be gratified to have, a President from the Cotton 
States, but unless he can reach that exalted position without detri- 
ment to his State Eights principles, there is more safety in one of 
those " Northern men who is supposed to have Southern princi- 
ples." 



29 

In conclusion, ]icnnit nio to pive you this sentiment: 
The ambitiiin of" our public men promises the ruin of the Soutii, 
and we are suil'erint!: for more Bonhanas. 

Kcspectlully. your friend, 

U. 'M. TIOBERT. 

To Messi-s. S. S. Tompkins, Emmet Seibels, J. 13. Griffin, Loudon 
Butler and J. "\V. Hill, Committee. 



LETTER FROM COL. GREGG. 

Columhici, Avgiist 25M, 1S58. 

Gentlemen: I have had the honor of receiving your invitation 
to the dinner to be given by the citizens of Edgefield to Gen. Bon- 
ham, on the 2d of September next. My engagements at homo 
will deprive nig^f the pleasure of attending. But I desire to join 
with you in reuTlering the high honor wliich he deserves to your 
Representative in .Congress. lie has borne himself as becomes a 
Representative fron:i South Carolina. And on the j^crplexed ques- 
tion of Karsas, in which, from the apath}- of the Soutii, it was so 
difficult to discern the least disadvantageous way of dealing with 
a bad piece of business, and considerations of expcdiencv were so 
doubtfully balanced, he exhibited the true spirit and tnie wisdom, 
by following what ho believed right on principle, in spite of all 
inducements to swervc.frotn it. That on such a question he should 
have deliberately selvyatod from Gen. Hammond, a Senatorial 
leader, whose adviceSvia^ justly entitled to the most profound re- 
spect — from Gen. Mt^u^en, a States Rights colleague, then, and 
still, as ever, implicitly to be relied on — Vrom all the South Caro- 
lina delegation, and from the almost unanimous Southern vote, 
shows that he is a man for whom the corrupt Capital has no po- 
litical seductions, and in whom the old State Rights party may re- 
pose their trust. 

If there is any hope of our ever regaining our freedom and in- 
dependence, I believe it must be by our public men following the 



30 

example set to tliera on this recent occasion by your Representa- 
tive, and by Gen. Quitman, that statesman and soldier, in whose 
nntimely death the Sonth has suifered so iieavy a loss. In the 
times of the nullification struggle, there was a favorite motto of 
the States Eights party: "Do j-our duty, and leave the conse- 
quences to God." It would be better if this were more held in 
remembrance now. It has long been a prevalent and fatal delu- 
sion in the South to rely on party management for protection 
against the increasing preponderance of ISTorthern power. Rare 
occasions may arise, when the State Rights party of the South, by 
acting with perfect independence, and holding the balance of a 
closely divided vote in Congress, may succeed in imposing their 
policy upon reluctant xs^orthern associates. Such was the case, to 
a great extent, during the administration o| Mr. Yan Buren. But 
from the nature of things it cannot often occur. And to expect, 
from this time forward, such unanimity and fidelity amongst 
Southern politicians at Washington, that they wdll act together on 
high principle, and by controlling ITorthern p.a'Vty associates, re- 
form the corrupt and plundering Government, r^-establish State 
Sovereignty, not onl}'- in party " Platforms," as they- are called, but 
in fact, and make the South secure in the Confederacy, is to expect 
of Southern politicians generally more wisdom, and perfection for 
the time to come than the past has ever witnessed. Up to the 
present time, we have seen a continual process going on, by which 
the rights and interests of the South are compromised away for the 
sake of preserving party ascendancy, and as eguivalents for the 
honors and emoluments enjoyed by Southern .politicians. ".I per- 
ceive no reason to anticipate a cessation of .tlii'§. process, so long as 
the Southern people look to party manageriteil't.at Washington for 
safety. To the great majority of that class cif men, whom a mod- 
erate degree of intellectual power, united to fluency of speech and 
popular address, qualifies to take the lead in the contests of popu- 
lar parties, the objects of ambition, though they may be intensely 
sought, are not of a high order. Not to do something worthy of 
remembrance, but to stand well with party, and to attain the pre- 
ferments bestowed by it, is the aim of such men. Send them to 
Washington, where in place of being suitors for popular favor, 



.^1 

tliey iind themselves courted for tlic power of dispensing oflice and 
profitable jobs of all kinds which they possess; and where their 
social position, as members of the governing body, is such as to 
flatter and please them, especially those to wliom such social cir- 
cumstances arc new; give them a salary from the Government, 
sufficient for their wants and amusements; and it will not be sur- 
prising, even if many State Rights men, who went to the Capital 
as veritable Catos, yield to the allurements around them, grow re- 
conciled to their position, and como home much tamed down, and 
far better subjects of the Government than they went away. 

The party which is commended to us as the kind protector of 
the South, through whoso devoted friendship all our rights are to be 
thankfull}' enjoyed, is the Democratic party. The price for which 
this protection is to be afforded, is our amalgamation with that 
party. Tiie name is a bad one. The ]Karty is the degenerate suc- 
cessor of the old Republican party. Mr. Calhoun, for reasons 
which to his clear, and powerful intellect were sufficient, studiously 
avoided calling; himself a Democrat, even when acting for long 
periods in alliance with the modern Democratic ]»arty. lie ac- 
knowledged himself a member of the old Republican party, but 
never consented' tftjnerge State Rights in Democracy. It would 
be better for State'; Rights men to follow more caretiilly his ex- 
ample in this partichlar, and to eschew the name which was so 
distasteful to him. To commend the name of Democracy to us, 
the appellation " National " is added. The addition is still worse. 
The "odor of Xatio/jality " ouglit to be an abomination to every 
States Rights niarvvi^^Xatioiial '' and "States, Rights" are terms 
of necessity c<>ntrad%t^fy and incompatible. If the Government 
is " National," the '^tafes cannot be Sovereign, except according 
to that fraudulent gibberish suited to what is called in the dialect 
of politicians, a "Platfonn." ?;[r. Calhoun carefully avoided ap- 
plying the terms " Nation " and " National " to the United States. 
He uniformly said "Confederacy" and "Federal." It would be 
safer for States Rights; men to adhere to his example. AVhen, in 
the decay of the old Republican party, a i><»pular name was wanted 
to cover the advances of consolidation, "National Republican*' 
was the term selected. If there is any reverence left for the States 



Kiglits lessons of Mr. Calbonn, "National Democracy" ought to 
be execrable in South Carolina. 

But of late, the policy of abandoning our State Rights abstrac- 
tions and solitary position, to amalgamate with the Democratic 
party, and set our liopes on everything coming right at last in the 
existing Union, is dignified by favorers with the name of " Con- 
servative." " Conservative," is a good word, and the innovatoi-s 
should not be allowed to usurp it. The true Conservatives in 
South Carolina are those who desire to preserve our State Institu- 
tions and political usages as they have been ; to re-establish, if 
possible, the rightful sovereignty of the State, not in the " plat- 
form " sense, but as our safeguard in realit}^ against the prepon- 
derant power of perfidious Confederates : and to avoid being 
drawn into the downward progress of Democracy through mob 
government to anarchy, which has already proceeded so far in tlie 
IS'orthern States, and which by tliis time would have approached 
nearer to the final goal of military despotism, but for the great 
Western outlet, checking temporarily over-population. The .true 
conservatives in South Carolina abhor the Union, because they see 
in its continuance a long prospect of farther changes from bad to.' 
worse. The sentiments which I now avow, are;.those which pre- 
vailed in both the Secession and the Co-opcjration party in tlie 
contest which teruiinated in 1853. The people of South Carolina 
in convention assembled, in April, 1852, solemnly declarded, 
" That the frequent violations of the Constitution of the United 
States by the Federal Government, and its. encroachments upon 
the reserved rights.of the Sovereign States of -.this Union, especial- 
ly in relation to slavery, amply justify this S^iite, so far as any duty 
or obligation to her Confederates is in^volved, in;. dissolving at once, 
all political connection with her co-States..; -iahd that she forbears 
the exercise of this manifest right of- self-government from consid- 
erations of expediency only." This Declaration was adopted in 
the Convention by a majority of seven-eighths ; and of the small 
minority who voted against it, a large proportion were Secession- 
ists, who could not stomach the adoption of what they accounted 
so feeble a measure, as the Eesolution, and the ordinance declara- 
tory of the right of Secession. The greatest and most venerable 



33 

of tlie statesmen mIio opposed and prevented Secession, pro- 
nounced the Government to which we arc in snhjection, " a ^'^ul- 
^'ar Tyranny." I know not wliat has since occnrred at Washinnr- 
ton, to reconcile us with this "Vulgar Tyranny/' beyond 
some new party tricks and compromises, such as wo had been 
long before accustomed to. But causes have been at work amongst 
ourselves, powerful enough to produce a change, both in unthink- 
ing men and in that class of ambitious politicians to whom I refer- 
red before. It was natural to expect gradual acquiescence among 
the mass of men, in an order of things ap})arently established and 
too strong to be resisted. And to the ambitious politicians, ab- 
stention from the prizes of the political game, and resistance to the 
allurements of Washington life, were likely to prove a greater sa- 
crifice than submission to the '* Vulgar Tyranny." It is true that 
on a refined calculation, an independent position of the State 
Kights party of South Carolina might command from their allies, 
the •Democrats,- a larger share of honors and promotions, than 
would be accorded to a small and entirely subservient section of 
the great Democracy. But then, while the entire amount of fa- 
vors bestowed nnght'be greater in such an independent ])osi- 
tloTi, each aspirant would imagine that his own individual chance 
of being selected for favor, would be bettered by rendering him- 
self as agreeable as possible to the ruling powers. And so the 
tendency was a natural one, to become reconciled to the Union 
and the Democratic party, and to desire to throw otf " extreme " 
State Rights notions; that is, the faith which is in earnest. And 
it was natural to e.^f>ect, that at first tiniidly and with qualifica- 
tions, but by degrees more boldly and bmadly, regard and l«»ve 
for the Union would be j)rofe.^sed, until in fulness of time, a Union 
chorus may again be raised, as strong as that which first assailed 
the Nullifiers at the commencement of the long contest against 
Federal usurpations ; and as that which is still raised upon occa- 
sion in most of the Southern States. It was against this danger 
that seven years ago a distinguished Statesman, who held himself 
aloof from the contest between the Secession and Co-operation 
parties, sought to guard, when he placed in the hands of a friend, 
his plan for uniting on common resistance ground, to be presented, 
C 



34 

if it should prove acceptable to the two parties, in the meeting 
of Delegates from the Southern Kights Associations, held at Charles- 
ton in Mav, 1851. That plan proposed to keep the State in an at- 
titude of readiness for resistance at the first favorable opportunity; 
and its most important provisions were directed towards withdraw- 
ing our citizens from the means of corruption, seduction and al- 
lurement, wielded by the General Government. After the defeat 
of the Secession party, it was my hope that the sincere resistance 
men of the Co-operation party, would bring forward and support 
in the Convention of the people, the wise and far-sighted plan of 
the Statesman referred to. It was not done; and we now see the 
operation of those pernicious Union and Snbmission influences 
against which that plan was directed by its sagacious author. 

I do not see in the present head of the Democratic party any- 
thing to increase my confidence in the body whijch he leads. I 
can .never forget tliat Mr. Biiclianan, by his casting y-ote in the 
United States Senate, passed the black Tarifi:' of-VSV2 ; b.eing"one 
of the two or three Northern Democrats who did the act Q.f per- 
fidy — -just enough, without requiring any more to commit the of- 
fence against the South than the number absolutely necessar^C tii 
Mr. Buchanan's whole course on the Kansas question, I see-'xiothing 
but the duplicity suited to his function as manager of the ma&^iihery 
by which a sectional conflict might be so dealt with as to.avoid a 
disruption of the Democratic party. The object could only be 
accomplished by giving to the Korth the substantial advantage, 
and cajoling the South with delusive appearances of vict6ty. Ac- 
cordingly, the President allowed Mr. Walker and Mr. Stanton to 
do the necessary work in Kansas, to his affected displeasm-e, while 
by Ijis parade of impartial performance of Constitutional duty, he 
succeeded in the Southern part of his game. I have no doubt 
that if party necessities had required the substantial advantage to 
be givento the South, and the delusion practiced upon the North 
the President would have played the game with equal determina- 
tion and skill. In the equivocal instructions;. sent to the JS'aval 
oflicers on the coast of Central America against Gen. Walker's 
expedition, I see the perfection of Governmental duplicity. The 
instructions equally warranted the officers in doing evervthino- or 



35 

notliinn;; and left tlic Administration equally at liberty to avow 
or condemn, accordln*^ to the subtlest calculations of policy, what- 
ever they miii,ht do, or leave undone ; or, in fine, to accept the 
service and disclaim the responsibility — censure the officer, but 
avoid bringing hini to trial, and make no reparation of the 
wrong. 

There is another matter in which, perhaps, from not making duo 
allowance for the downright blundere which are sometimes com- 
mitted by Cabinets from more oversight, I may suspect a subtle 
policy which was not really schemed. But the invitation given 
by the Secretary of State to tlie I^ritiah Government, to blockade 
the coast of Cuba, if they wished eflfectually to suppress the Slave 
Trade, was felicitously adapted, if it was not designed, to bring 
about an interference with American commerce, without which 
the blockade would be nugatory, and the occurrence of which 
would arouse a storm of indignation in tlie United States, and 
give'theAdnlinist'ration a chance, by a great display of warlike 
spirit, to retrieve its popularity, and eficct a useful divei-sion i'roin 
the Kansas difficulty ; while a long-headed statesman might well 
■havc'f^ries(ien bliat Ki^glftnd, witli her embarrassments in Europe 
■and Asfhl,.ci>fnd'notafiprd to go to war with the United States; 
arid \mild not lind in the terms of the invitation to blockade 
Cuba, ftufficienV evidence to sustain a direct charge of perfidy 
against the United States Government. 

As for those persons in the Soutii who expect to repose under 
the i)rotection of the Supreme Court, their reliance appears to me 
as well founded as that <»f a traveller on a Mexican highway, who 
being liesot by l>anditti, should de|>cnd upon saving his purse by 
the exhibition of the ten commandments. 

To me, the movement in South Carolina for an amalgamation 
with the Democratic party, seems portentous of all evil. If 
Southern unanimity is only to be obtained in that way, it will be 
unanimity in submission and voluntary abasement. Such "moral 
victories" as havd been hitherto gained, will make that condition 
no better. If, in consequence of a "moral victory,'' public .senti- 
ment had in reality so far changed in the Northern States, as to 
tolerate slavery for the ability which it gives to the South to pay 




tribute, consolidation with Northern Democracy, under a National 
Government, would still be utterly ruinous. Party consolidation 
is the grand engine for converting the Confederacy into a consoli- 
dated Nation. Against consolidation and " National " parties, 
the States Eights party has been contending for long years. In 
that long struggle, our great and pure leader wore out his life. 
The monument to his memory has not yet been built. When the 
marble rises to attest our veneration, shall its legend be false ? 
Shall all his words be effaced from our hearts, and sliall we suffer 
an inferior strain of men to undo the work of his life? Honor, 
consistency, self-respect, and whatever of pride^^in South Carolina 
is left to us, forbid it. 

Gentlemen, I beg leave to offer the old States Eights sentiment, 
which the conduct of your high-minded Representative has sug- 
gested to me : " • ' 

" Do your duty, and leave the consequences to God." 
I am, gentlemen, 

Yery respectfully, .... 

Tour obedient servant, - .■^^^^ 

To Messrs. S. S. Tompkins, Emmet Seibels, J. B. Griffii)',:.XiOudon 
Butler, and J. W. Hill, Esqrs., Committee of An'qngements^ 
Edgejieldy S. C. ,..■: 



